Carla Moore

"Scenes, Identity and the Importance of Locality: Lesbians and Dance Music in Norwich – A Case Study."

The International Journal of Urban Labour and Leisure, 3(1) <http://www.ijull.
co.uk/vol3/1/000019.htm>



ISSN: 1465-1270

 

Abstract.

This paper focuses on a short-lived Sunday afternoon dance music event that ran on a monthly basis for lesbian and bisexual women in Norwich. The aim is to explore the interlocking relationships between identity and musical form in a particular location. By exploring scenes, sites, networks and technologies it aims to expose the complexities of our cultural associations. It also outlines the difficult negotiations that take place when meanings are openly contested. Finally it suggests that we need a new framework to understand the importance of popular music and its links to identity politics.

Keywords: music scenes, drum'n'bass, sexuality, gender, technology, identity.

 

Introduction.

The original idea for this article came from an event I attended on 31st October 1999. The Sunday Afternoon Sleaze Bar at The Norwich Arts Centre[1] was run by two women who are also responsible for the University of East Anglia's Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Society. In response to the fact that there are no dance music events held for lesbian and bisexual women in Norwich, they hired out the venue with the intention of holding the Sleaze Bar on the last Sunday of every month. On the Sunday I attended the crowd was relatively small (about 50 max). The music described on the flyer was 'Beats, Bounce and Ballistic Bass' and predominantly consisted of drum and bass.[2] The event itself was both enjoyable and intriguing. There are very few events that are part of dance culture for lesbian women. For me this was the main attraction for attending and was the reason why I had 'heard' it was happening. But what about the other women? Why and how had they been drawn to this particular event? Is it the idea that dance music can be read as 'resistant' to gender binarisms and free of the connotations of masculinity, thereby appealing to women? Was it that this was just a 'safe space' for lesbian women, regardless of the music? How did the crowd that were singing, smoking and drinking come to be at the Arts Centre?

Focusing on explanations associated with technologies, networks, scenes and locality I have attempted to illustrate the relationship between sexual identity, sites, personnel and musical practice as an alternative framework for understanding cultural relationships with musical form. Incorporating dance music's relatively recent history and reliance on technology, I explore the fluidity of a site of consumption articulated by coalitions of music and identity. These sites are not uncontested however, and I finish by exploring the schisms and tensions within a scene and identify the exclusionary forces at work. Events do not just 'happen' and participants at those events do not just 'arrive'. Popular music is an active constitutive of sexual difference via codes, discourse and practice that changes our cultural landscape. How did the gathering signify this potent mixture?

The article focuses on a variety of factors that influence cultural choices and is split into four sections. Firstly I outline the importance of scenes, communities and localities and investigate the relationship between music, identity and place. Secondly I focus on the discourse and networks that informs us culturally and the promotion of an event. Thirdly, I turn my attention to the venue its role in providing 'space' for consumption and how that 'space' is contested. Finally, I explain why the opportunities for knowledge and technologies that drive a particular music form are vital to cultural identity, production and consumption. These four areas are inextricably linked, each relies on the other for the cultural articulation of identity. Without the influence of developing technologies, 'scenes' would not evolve. Without opportunities to gain knowledge, the technologies would not exist. Without networks to disseminate knowledge, the articulation/event would not happen in the first instance. And without space to provide the pivotal features of a event, there can be no scene. This grows out of the realisation that identities are felt and lived through 'their' actions as well as intrinsic or extrinsic expressions of 'self'.

Scenes and Communities.

The idea of musical scenes and identity has been recognised and developed by writers such as Shank (1994). He investigates the composition of music in Austin, Texas. Shank describes a scene 'as [for the production of] exciting music capable of moving past the mere expression of locally significant cultural values and generic development that is beyond stylistic permutation- towards an interrogation of identification and potential cultural transformation' (Shank 1994:36). Sarah (DJ BabyBarb) at the Sunday Sleaze Bar echoes this contention:

'[All] I wanted to do was encourage the scope for the local lesbian community to listen to dance music. We go to the same places, same pubs and see the same faces, its time to move on and inject some life and vitality and hopefully we can do this by providing something different and then, who knows?'[3]

This indicates the potential fluidity of a particular scene as it 'morphs' beyond what is in this case a conscious prior intention. The meanings of musical practice are therefore subject to change. This reflects the fact that identity is connected with the lived experience and is associated with involvement with a particular scene. 'Scenes' are therefore part of an 'interlocking between sites, personnel and practice indicating a dynamic process of both identity formation and articulation' (Shank 1994: 252).

Straw, a Canadian popular music scholar' identifies that scenes have 'systems of articulation' and 'logics of change'4 which represent the characteristics of their particular musical practices and their dissemination through cultural communities and institutional sites (Straw 1991:373). He focuses on scenes and social groups organised around gender, ethnicity, class and sexuality. Straw is careful to highlight the difference between 'scenes' and 'musical communities'. Communities he suggests are reasonably stable entities, which pursue a particular geographically and historically located musical idiom. A scene in contrast is '[that] cultural space in which a range of musical practices coexist and interact with each other within a variety of processes of differentiation, and according to widely varying trajectories of change and cross fertilisation' (Straw 1991: 374). The 'logics' that drive a scene are therefore differentiated from those of communities.

The Sleaze Bar provides an interesting case study, where dance music and the symbols, technologies and productive and consumptive modes of behaviour, 'breath' the same air' as the relatively stable lesbian community in Norwich and in turn the 'modes' played out by those who identify with it. The negotiation between indicative process and practices illustrates a vigorous interchanging of significance which binds participants in a series of accumulative interlocking relationships. It occurs through a series of personal networks, institutional links, and 'spaces' that are implicated in other elements of social life, including, most importantly for my purposes, the processes by which we build and form identity. It also recasts metropolitan unities of the dance music scene and the lesbian populace on geographical and musical terrain. Straw allows us to examine the politics of identity formation on a fluid interpretation of cultural intermingling or what Grossberg call 'affective alliances' (cited in Straw 1991:372). The development of both the scene and the sound is therefore informed by particular differences (in this case sexuality, but notably gender and ethnicity) that are articulated within the building of audiences around coalitions of musical forms. Straw adds a warning though, these processes are not inevitably positive or disruptive of existing social divisions, nor are they shaped to any significant extent by solitary acts. This suggests that the meanings articulated can clash and/or actually destroy any sincere initial intention or act. This will be examined later on when describing the tensions apparent within the embryonic scene.

Networks and Culture.

The networks that surround a scene or a particular event are a fundamental part of understanding how information and ideas are exchanged in this setting. Straw states 'The maintenance of lines of communication between dispersed cultural communities are central to the elaboration of musical meaning and value' (Straw 1991:372). The 'networks' that inform, articulate and disseminate knowledge of the scenes and through social groups are vital for their formation, coherence, strength and longevity. These fluid interactions take place across a variety of sites, including in this case, the venue, shops, Women on Women (the Norwich support group for Lesbian and Bisexual women), the university, websites, over E-mail, and The Pottergate Tavern Public House. These sites, themselves shaped by their place within the contemporary metropolis and aligned with populations along the lines of class and taste (also read identity) provide the conditions of possibility of alliances between musical styles and affective links between geographically (and spatially) dispersed places. As important to the physical location of interactions are the 'informants' or 'protagonists' of the network. They provide the impetus for the scene to propagate and thereby extend the 'network'. Sarah, DJ and organiser of the Sleaze Bar states

I originally learnt how to DJ, mix D+B records and all that, cos my housemate of two years was well into that scene when he was in London. I met Tina at a LGB 'do' at UEA, and she introduced me to Sally who had tried to set up an all women dance night at Hector's House [now Kafe DA] which folded after four months because of the cost of the venue. We started to kick about together and she was using CuBase[5] to put together her own tracks and from then we collaborated. We approached the Arts Centre and they were interested, so a month later the Sleaze Bar started.

This indicates a 'microcosm' within the structure of the scene, but one on which the events that inform it seem pivotal. Diagram 1.1 (appendix) shows the interweaving personnel of the embryonic 'scene' surrounding the lesbian drum and bass events. It plots the 'connections' to illustrate where the 'thrust' of the scene emanates from. Certain aspects of the network may be evoked and strengthened by the 'events' which articulate the 'scene' others may lay dormant if personnel changes, or alliances spread. Sarah Thornton in Club Cultures outlines the importance of 'micro media' in these networks. These are the ways in which these networks inform 'outsiders' of the activities of the groups. '[Club] crowds are not organic formations which respond mysteriously to some collective unconscious, but people grouped together by intricate networks of communications (Thornton 1995).' The promotion of the Sleaze Bar was organised through the local newsletter for 'Women on Women', a listing in the Arts Centre programme, flyers in dance specialist record shops and local 'gay friendly' sites such as The Ten Bells pub and local shops. An outline of the event was also placed in the LGB Website and all members of LGB societies were bulk e-mailed. The most important dissemination was 'word of mouth' however indicated by the number of local women 'loyalists' who frequent many of the gay venues in Norwich.

My outline so far suggests a certain 'equality' and 'organicism' in the network; this however is not always the case. My investigation also encountered 'schisms or tensions' between specific parts of networks and some cases in personnel. More explicit however, was the discrepancy in 'access' to some of the sites. This is shown in the 'articulations' of the lesbian community and the force of the 'male dominated' drum and bass scene in Norwich. This 'blockage' in the interactions was orientated by identity politics that informed both. Tina, co-organiser of the Sleaze bar states:

'Going into SoundClash [6] is strange. There is an atmosphere that you cannot explain. When I went in and put on a track on the first time, the men behind the counter were staring at me! I left some flyers for the Sleaze Bar with them, the next day I went in to provide a few more and the twenty I had left were gone, they could not explain why.'

There are very few women involved in the production of dance music, regardless of genre, although dance music is often quoted as more 'democratic.'[7] in its composition than rock and indie. Women are associated with the vocal or performance aspect, but rarely are shown as serious in any technical production or Djing capacity. Angela McRobbie states 'Women appear to be less involved in the cultural production of dance, from the flyers, to the events, to the Djing than their male counterparts' and goes further to warn against the 'automatic assumption of linear progression or development' within the sexual politics of dance culture (McRobbie 1994: 43). The interplay of the lesbian and gender identity and the form of music therefore illustrate the difficulties faced in the creation of 'scene' which joins what initially seems to be 'unlikely bedfellows' through inequalities of production.

The networks that surround a musical scene therefore inform and articulate it. It is easy to express these articulations in somewhat mystical terms, but they certainly do stem from the ability of identity and musical form to co-habit. This indicates that the network is not an unmediated process, but one that accounts for the methods and more importantly the politics that both outlines and encompass it.

Venues and the Importance of Space.

Creating venues is not just a matter of providing somewhere to go; it is about giving effect to a particular way of life (Street 1997:175).

This section is concerned with the provision of 'space' and the opportunity that these places give for the expression of identity. Space therefore can be 'read' in terms of its locality within geographically defined limits but also through, and intertwined with the politics of the physicality it offers to those inhabiting it. Space is not a neutral zone devoid of meaning. Its availability, the networks that encircle the venue itself, the atmosphere, facilities and surroundings, and the constraints imposed upon it (i.e. licensing, local authority control, the internal management policy) provides the context through which the space may be occupied. These factors in conjunction with the interactions of its population determine the composition and meaningfulness of the moments within it. Shank illustrates this in his reading of a particular venue in Austin, Texas. He writes: 'musical performance at a particular site was the central activity within a number of overlapping cultural practices that mutually reinforced each other. Here Raul's provided the site for 'living that meaning' (Shank 1994:114). The Norwich Arts Centre, the current site of the Sleaze Bar, is one of the foremost cultural landmarks in Norwich. It is situated on St Benedicts Street, alongside an eclectic mix of restaurants, bars and specialist shops ranging from antiques and music instruments to fashion boutiques and piercing/leather articles shop. It is important to note here the large number of 'associated' shops and personnel which form 'commodity' and community networks, linked to the events provided at The Arts Centre and local cultural commerce. It also provides the location for 'Women on Women' at The Women's Health Centre and three record emporiums which are regarded as important to the local drum and bass scene, Circular Sound (specialist back-copies and old White labels), the Indoor Market (which used to be the Norwich Arts Centre prior to its move to a disused but converted church) and Soundclash (for the latest dance tracks, promoters of local events and independent distributors). The locality is therefore conducive to a continuous flow of possible punters and is one of the thoroughfares to the 'main body' of the City.[8]

The venue itself has recently received as grant from the Lotteries Commission in the region of £400,000- £700,000 on the condition that the Venue's management matched it. The Management of the Arts Centre[9] works within a policy which upholds 'the promotion of diverse and varied cultural events' ranging from theatre, to live music and children's workshops. The venue also provides two dark rooms, a Café Bar and free Internet access when booked. The venue may be hired cheaply by outside promoters (as with Sleaze Bar) for private function (dependent on the bi-monthly schedule) or events are organised by the in-house promoters. Each event must strictly adhere to the Equal Opportunities Policy as a prior condition for usage. Richard, the part time Events Co-ordinator for the venue states

Our senior management committee meets twice a week to discuss event and changes, we also look at proposals and arrangements for particular nights. Our most recent changes have meant that we now have access for disabled performers and punters so we are making a conscious effort to encourage greater participation. We were very happy when we were approached to provide the venue for the Sleaze Bar and so far these events have been successful. The Arts Centre prides itself on the fact we provide a good atmosphere with no pretence and more people are finding out what we have to offer.

Whilst the provision of 'space' gives the opportunity for 'new plots' on the cultural landscape, we have to go further to look at the politics and the interactions at work in and of a particular space itself. The inclusive nature of the Arts Centre seems to indicate that this is a place for lesbian and bisexual women to meet and enjoy dance music. Sally Munt (1998) in Heroic Desire emphasises the importance of 'space' in allowing the articulation of 'marginalised' identities. She writes

Outside and liminal spaces are not only reactive, they are proactive, reinventing space as a frontier site where political mobilisation occurs. Identity politics becomes not just de-constructive mechanisms of exclusion, but are strategically reconstructive of the spatializing which assigned them there…identities are produced, expressed and authenticated, by and through space (Munt 1998: 174).

In this way the Arts Centre provides the opportunity to interact in space, that was not previously 'available' to lesbian women. The movement, through the mechanisms and networks of the 'scene' means the capturing of this space is empowering. This does not mean, however, that the space itself in 'uncontested'. Sarah indicates some of the difficulties she faced with Sleaze Bar

When I set up 'Sleaze Bar' I was immediately presented with a difficulty. I was determined to attract as many women as possible and the promotion of the event was mainly focused on the LGB Society, The Loft and 'Women on Women'. The majority of the friends I knew however, through the music side of it, were men, including several who had taught me how to DJ and one who was Djing at another LGB event as a favour to me the next week. I did not want to exclude them - although they would have understood if I had. At the first Sleaze Bar two women walked in and demanded to know why they were there. I tried to explain but then felt awful for providing 'excuses' for their presence. They left soon after. On the promotional literature for the second one I stated that men could be invited at the clients discretion as guests.

This indicates again the difficulties, schisms and tensions that the scene has in articulating itself and the mediating role identity has in being part of or outside of it. Was it the music that was the most important part of the event or the creation of an space for lesbian women? Does the perceived incompatibility of the scene and those within it mean that its initial fervour will be lost because of the political and sociable divide that became apparent?

The sites and venues of a 'scene' are vital to its provision of space for articulation, however, in providing a space for cultural activity, the venues engender a spatial confrontation that is not easily resolvable due to the trajectories and differentiation in the desires of different parts that make up the scene. The Arts Centre proves to be a venue that embodies an inclusive and equality-driven agenda and therefore is conducive to the aims of the event. However, the event itself produced an internal politics than introduced inclusive and exclusionary forces. The battle over the 'meaning' of the event was therefore in doubt and remained unresolved.

Technologies and Opportunities for Knowledge.

Technology is important to the production of most musical forms, but it is vital to the production of dance music. Competent use of equipment and software is fundamental to the 'sound'. The proliferation of dance music is therefore dependent on the 'taking up' and manipulation of technological advancements in the creation of innovative and imaginative music.[10]

In order to understand the implication of this 'machine generated music', new strands of musicological, social and political readings have been initiated to understand dance music's relatively recent history. Prior frameworks, including that of Sarah Thornton, have structured Dance music through fragmentation into distinct streams (house, Gabber, Drum and bass, Jungle, Detroit techno, and most recently NU-psychedelia) which embody different codes of behaviour, dress, drugs and attitudes. These distinctions reflect an internal hierarchy, the desire for 'authenticity' and the notion of 'other.' My contention is that whilst these elements are indeed identifiable in and across dance cultures, the integration of new and distinct musical 'scenes' or grouping relies upon the dissemination of 'networks of knowledge and technology' or 'techno-knowledge' that surround the music and the scene. The opportunities and knowledge that these technologies provide are 'picked up' and extended by the protagonists of that particular sound and scene. For example LFO (an act associated with early nineties hardcore and signed to the epic Warp label) removed filters from part of the machinery used to press vinyl to create a particular sound:

[We] would create a bass sound, record it onto a cassette with the recording levels right up to the red zone, sample that deliberately distorted sound, and repeat the process, building up layers all in search of the heaviest, hurtful-est bass (cited in Reynolds 1998: 159).

This use of technology, regardless of its prior purpose, spawned 'bleep and bass tracks' therein creating a whole new sound. This sound was then used by a variety of artists and formed the thrust for a 'new' scene and music. These technologically driven and replicating processes are of equal importance to a reading of dance music and explain why fragmentation in music and the identities associated with them have occurred. Without the technology there would be no 'scene'.

The technology and the network is dependent on each other. In the case of the 'Sleaze Bar' this is evident on DJ BabyBarb's links with Tina and Morris English for collaboration and equipment sharing, each of whom in turn have other 'contacts' that feed into the network. However it is important to state that the 'taking up' of certain pieces of equipment/software is not a linear development. Simon Reynolds (1998) indicates this in examining the Roland 303. Originally placed on the market in 1983, it was marketed to guitarists who wanted basslines to work from. Following a lack of success for this purpose, it was halted in production in 1985. However protagonists of the early 'progressive house' Chicago sound had found another use for it. The pitch, accent and tempo of a keyboard riff could be changed to produce a whole array of new and extremely complex bass patterns, which morphed the music being produced. So in reusing an obsolete piece of equipment, unintended for this purpose a new 'staple' of dance music production was created. The equipment has now even been immortalised in track listings, including Fat Boy Slim's 'Everybody Needs a 303'. A similar mixture of new and obsolete can now be found in the 'hitching' of old Atari ST to the computer software package CuBase, a piece of equipment vital to the growth of drum and bass from its 'Junglist' roots. The 'techno-knowledge' of course relies on 'human-networks' for its proliferation. Diagram 1.1 illustrates both the personnel and the technical network which 'constitutes' the embryonic scene and indicates the techno-knowledge network which feeds into the Sleaze Bar. This is a microcosm of the further linkages, which enables the event to occur in the first instance. Sarah states:

If Phil has not taught me to DJ, none of this would have happened, Morris then helped me with the rudiments of some pirated copies of music sampling software programmes and the rest is pretty much trial and error.

In this final section I have tried to indicate that beyond the differentiation and difference that encapsulates many readings of dance music and the distinct streams which have fragmented from it lies technology and its different uses. The sharing of information and equipment provides the driving force behind the events that enable a scene to evolve, and influences how that scene articulates and expresses itself. In turn this network and the sounds that develop from it influences those people attracted to the event in the first instance.

Conclusion.

Popular music is more important than is usually acknowledged, for it is actively constitutive of gender and sexual difference via the codes, musical discourse and practices that surround it. The arrival and presence of participants in events and scenes are a result of a mediated process whereby identity is articulated by the interplay between networks, space, venues and technology that make up its constituent parts. The formation of cultural alliances and 'taste' communities relies upon the intricate specificities of identity and in turn play their part in the construction of identity itself.

This article was designed to outline and implicate the meanings produced in the early stages of the formation of a scene, rather than provide a detailed ethnographical account of its members, motions and movements. However, the 'Sleaze Bar' is an unusual and interesting example as lesbian women come together to listen to drum and bass and negotiate the internal and external 'politics' of identity and music. The scene, however, is not uncontested and belies certain difficulties. There are tensions and schisms between the different interests of the event organisers, leading protagonists of the drum and bass scene in Norwich and the lesbian community as clients - each their own agendas that frequently clash and collide.

To move this basic framework beyond its present remit I argue that more attention has to be paid to the technologies and networks that surround cultural practices and that drive a scene. The networks that 'inform' the Sleaze Bar are made up from musical, technological and social connections from which the 'thrust' of the event and scene emanate. These rely on the provision of venues in which the event can take place and are intertwined with the location itself and the internal and external policies which regulate this space.

We need to add an investigation of musical practices in a particular location to the present literature on identity and popular culture if we are to understand the processes within and played out by the act of consumption. The changes new scenes and events make to the cultural landscape need further definition but this must be partnered with an understanding of the contentious interchanging of identity within it.

Postscript: Eight Months On….a

The Sleaze Bar is now defunct and two of the small network that played an important part in the formation of the event and embryonic scene have moved away from Norwich. From January 2000 the event was making losses that were made up by the organisers until the last Sleaze Bar was held in April with further bookings at the Arts Centre cancelled. Sarah states 'We went in feet first and tried it. I know just by talking to people that there is still room for a lesbian drum and bass event in Norwich. Loads of the regulars from the Sleaze Bar were disappointed because it was a good thing. Lesbian women want somewhere to listen to good tunes with a good atmosphere but I don't know whether I will try again'.

Bibliography:

Doty, A (1993) Out in Culture: Essays on Popular Culture London: Cassell

Finnegan, R (1989) The Hidden Musicians - Music Making in an English Town Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Frith. S (1978) Sound Effects Constable and Company

Gray, A & McGuigan, J (1993) Studying Culture - An Introductory Reader London: Arnold Press(2nd Edition)

MacDonnell, E & Powers (1995) A Rock She Wrote - Women Write about Pop, Rock and Rap London: Plexus

McRobbie, A (1994) Post Modernism and Popular Culture London: Routledge

Mitchell, T (1996) Popular Music and Local Identity - Rock, Pop and Rap in Europe and Oceania London: Cassell, London

Munt, S (1998) Heroic Desire - Lesbian Identity and Cultural Space London: Cassell

Nehring, N (1997) Popular Music, Gender and Postmodernism - Anger Is and Energy California: Sage Publications

Reynolds, S (1998) Energy Flash - A Journey through Rave and Dance Culture London: Picador

Shank, S (1994) Dissonant Identities - The Rock and Roll Scene in Austin, Texas Hanover: University Press of New England

Straw, W (1991) 'Systems of Articulation and Logics of Change: Communities and Scenes in Popular Music' in Cultural Studies 5/3

M. Stokes (ed) (1997) Ethnicity, Identity and Music - The Musical Construction of Place Oxford: Berg Publishers

Street, J (1997) Politics and Popular Culture Cambridge: Polity Press

Thornton, S (1995) Club Cultures - Music, Media and Subcultural Capital Cambridge: Polity Press

Websites:

http;//www.cpm.mmu.ac.uk
http:/fanxzine.ort.btm.role

The venue itself has recently received as grant from the Lotteries Commission in the region of £400,000- £700,000 on the condition that the Venue's management matched it. The Management of the Arts Centre[8] works within a policy which upholds 'the promotion of diverse and

Footnotes.

 

1

The Norwich Arts Centre is funded by the Norwich council and has recently received a substantial grant from the Lotteries Commission for a major refurbishment. It consists of a music Venue (capacity 300-400) and a Cafι Bar, which regularly show work of local and national artists. The entertainment programme ranges from Jazz nights, comedy, poetry reading, dance nights, world music to drumming workshops, a Photography club and children’s events)

2

Selection from set list:

Flytronix – Archive (Album unknown)
Point of Arrival – Amorphia (1999, Audio Blueprint Recordings)
4 Hero – Mr Kirk's nightmare (1990, Reinforced Records)
Tyrone S – Night Shade (1997, The Cartel)
Outcast – Pieces (1998, One)
Utsumi – Finding a New World (unreleased)
Krust – Warhead (1998,Bucks Music Ltd)

3

Sarah is the DJ for the Sleaze Bar and a local gay activist. 'Systems of articulation' refers to the practices and sites through which a scene propagates itself and also refers to 'creating lines of influence and solidarity's different from the geographical community', for example through Diaspora communities and migration. 'Logics of change' are described as 'moves' within cultural communities grounded within interaction between two social processes. Firstly, struggles for prestige and status by professionals and others serving as the 'intellectuals' within a given musical terrain and secondly, the ongoing transformations of social and cultural relations.

4

'Systems of articulation' refers to the practices and sites through which a scene propagates itself and also refers to 'creating lines of influence and solidarity's different from the geographical community', for example through Diaspora communities and migration. 'Logics of change' are described as 'moves' within cultural communities grounded within interaction between two social processes. Firstly, struggles for prestige and status by professionals and others serving as the 'intellectuals' within a given musical terrain and secondly, the ongoing transformations of social and cultural relations.

5

Equipment/software that shows loops etc in visual form on the computer screen. This allows for frequency exchanges and bass lines to be repeated.

6

Soundclash is widely acknowledged to be the foremost record shop in Norwich for DJ’s, and consumers of dance music. The majority of its customers are men aged 15-30. It stocks a wide collection of vinyl and CD’s, ranging from Detroit Techno classics to Lo-Fi.

7

D. Hesmondhalgh The Cultural Politics of Dance Music (article) Soundings

8

Here a comparison can be made to an alternative venue, the Waterfront, which is located in what may be described as a marginalised area of the City identified as the Red Light District. This raises issues of accessibility and safety of those attending its events

9

An interview was conducted with the Events Co-ordinator of The Arts Centre on 6.12.99. All information on the structure and policy of The Norwich Arts Centre is a result of this interview.

10

The same has been said of Rock music, i.e. through guitar amplification and effects peddles, however, this music form is reliant on a instrument prior to the effects of technology, not entirely driven by proficiency of use of that technology.

 

Doty, A (1993) Out in Culture: Essays on Popular Culture London: Cassell

Finnegan, R (1989) The Hidden Musicians – Music Making in an English Town Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Frith. S (1978) Sound Effects Constable and Company

Gray, A & McGuigan, J (1993) Studying Culture – An Introductory Reader London: Arnold Press(2nd Edition)

MacDonnell, E & Powers (1995) A Rock She Wrote – Women Write about Pop, Rock and Rap London: Plexus

McRobbie, A (1994) Post Modernism and Popular Culture London: Routledge

Mitchell, T (1996) Popular Music and Local Identity – Rock, Pop and Rap in Europe and Oceania London: Cassell, London

Munt, S (1998) Heroic Desire – Lesbian Identity and Cultural Space London: Cassell

Nehring, N (1997) Popular Music, Gender and Postmodernism – Anger Is and Energy California: Sage Publications

Reynolds, S (1998) Energy Flash – A Journey through Rave and Dance Culture London: Picador

Shank, S (1994) Dissonant Identities – The Rock and Roll Scene in Austin, Texas Hanover: University Press of New England

Straw, W (1991) 'Systems of Articulation and Logics of Change: Communities and Scenes in Popular Music' in Cultural Studies 5/3

M. Stokes (ed) (1997) Ethnicity, Identity and Music – The Musical Construction of Place Oxford: Berg Publishers

Street, J (1997) Politics and Popular Culture Cambridge: Polity Press

Thornton, S (1995) Club Cultures – Music, Media and Subcultural Capital Cambridge: Polity Press

Websites:

http://www.cpm.mmu.ac.uk

http://fanxzine.ort.btm.role

 

Acknowledgements.

John Street, Karenza Moore, Charlie Gates, Sarah, Morris English, Richard at the Arts Centre, Norwich

Carla Moore is a student and part time teacher in the School of Economic and Social Sciences at the University of East Anglia. Her interests include politics and popular culture, politics and the mass media and parliamentary politics. This is her first published article.

E-mail: c.moore@uea.ac.uk

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